User:NasalizedNearOpenFrontUnroundedVowel/沙盒
音系
[编辑]辅音
[编辑]双唇音 | 齿音 | 齿龈音 | 齿龈后音/ 硬腭音 |
软腭音 | 声门音 | ||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
鼻音 | 浊 | m | n | ɲ | ŋ | ||
清 | m̥ | n̥ | ɲ̊ | ŋ̊ | |||
塞音/ 塞擦音 |
浊 | b | d | dʒ | ɡ | ||
清不送气 | p | t | tʃ | k | ʔ | ||
清送气 | pʰ | tʰ | tʃʰ | kʰ | |||
擦音 | 浊 | ð ([d̪ð~d̪]) | z | ||||
清不送气 | θ ([t̪θ~t̪]) | s | ʃ | ||||
清送气 | sʰ | h | |||||
近音 | 浊 | l | j | w | |||
清 | l̥ | ʍ |
同时有学者认为,缅甸语字母သ所代表的辅音音位应为齿塞音/t̪, d̪/, 而非齿擦音/θ, ð/。[3]
/ɹ/一般在一些借词中作为/j/的变体出现。
缅甸语另有一鼻辅音位/ɰ̃/。音节尾的⟨မ်⟩ /m/, ⟨န်⟩ /n/, ⟨ဉ်⟩ /ɲ/, ⟨င်⟩ /ŋ/, 及巴利语借词中使用的⟨ဏ⟩ /ɳ/。
该鼻辅尾音通常实现为音节核元音的鼻化,但当在出现在塞音前时也有与该塞音同部位的变体,例如{IPA|/mòʊɰ̃dáɪɰ̃/}} “暴风雨”一词通常实现为[mõ̀ũndã́ĩ]。
The final nasal /ɰ̃/ is the value of the four native final nasals: ⟨မ်⟩ /m/, ⟨န်⟩ /n/, ⟨ဉ်⟩ /ɲ/, ⟨င်⟩ /ŋ/, as well as the retroflex ⟨ဏ⟩ /ɳ/ (used in Pali loans) and nasalisation mark anusvara demonstrated here above ka (က → ကံ) which most often stands in for a homorganic nasal word medially as in တံခါး tankhá ('door', and တံတား tantá ('bridge') or else replaces final -m ⟨မ်⟩ in both Pali and native vocabulary, especially after the OB vowel *u e.g. ငံ ngam ('salty'), သုံး thóum ('three; use'), and ဆုံး sóum ('end'). It does not, however, apply to ⟨ည်⟩ which is never realised as a nasal, but rather as an open front vowel [iː] [eː] or [ɛː].
The final nasal is usually realised as nasalisation of the vowel. It may also allophonically appear as a homorganic nasal before stops. For example, in /mòʊɰ̃dáɪɰ̃/ ('storm'), which is pronounced [mõ̀ũndã́ĩ].
元音
[编辑]单元音 | 双元音 | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
前 | 央 | 后 | Front offglide | Back offglide | |
闭 | i | u | |||
半闭 | e | ə | o | ei | ou |
半开 | ɛ | ɔ | |||
开 | a | ai | au |
The monophthongs /e/, /o/, /ə/ and /ɔ/ occur only in open syllables (those without a syllable coda); the diphthongs /ei/, /ou/, /ai/ and /au/ occur only in closed syllables (those with a syllable coda). /ə/ only occurs in a minor syllable, and is the only vowel that is permitted in a minor syllable (see below).
The close vowels /i/ and /u/ and the close portions of the diphthongs are somewhat mid-centralized ([ɪ, ʊ]) in closed syllables, i.e. before /ɰ̃/ and /ʔ/. Thus နှစ် /n̥iʔ/ ('two') is phonetically [n̥ɪʔ] and ကြောင် /tɕàũ/ ('cat') is phonetically [tɕàʊ̃].
声调
[编辑]Burmese is a tonal language, which means phonemic contrasts can be made on the basis of the tone of a vowel. In Burmese, these contrasts involve not only pitch, but also phonation, intensity (loudness), duration, and vowel quality. However, some linguists consider Burmese a pitch-register language like Shanghainese.[4]
There are four contrastive tones in Burmese. In the following table, the tones are shown marked on the vowel /a/ as an example.
声调 | 缅甸语名称 | IPA (以a为例) |
Symbol (以a为例) |
发声态 | 时长 | 响度 | 音高 |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Low | နိမ့်သံ | [aː˧˧˦] | à | normal | medium | low | low, often slightly rising[5] |
High | တက်သံ | [aː˥˥˦] | á | sometimes slightly breathy | long | high | high, often with a fall before a pause[5] |
Creaky | သက်သံ | [aˀ˥˧] | a̰ | tense or creaky, sometimes with lax glottal stop | medium | high | high, often slightly falling[5] |
Checked | တိုင်သံ | [ăʔ˥˧] | aʔ | centralized vowel quality, final glottal stop | short | high | high (in citation; can vary in context)[5] |
For example, the following words are distinguished from each other only on the basis of tone:
- Low ခါ /kʰà/ "shake"
- High ခါး /kʰá/ "be bitter"
- Creaky ခ /kʰa̰/ "to wait upon; to attend on"
- Checked ခတ် /kʰaʔ/ "to beat; to strike"
In syllables ending with /ɰ̃/, the checked tone is excluded:
- Low ခံ /kʰàɰ̃/ "undergo"
- High ခန်း /kʰáɰ̃/ "dry up (usually a river)"
- Creaky ခန့် /kʰa̰ɰ̃/ "appoint"
In spoken Burmese, some linguists classify two real tones (there are four nominal tones transcribed in written Burmese), "high" (applied to words that terminate with a stop or check, high-rising pitch) and "ordinary" (unchecked and non-glottal words, with falling or lower pitch), with those tones encompassing a variety of pitches.[6] The "ordinary" tone consists of a range of pitches. Linguist L. F. Taylor concluded that "conversational rhythm and euphonic intonation possess importance" not found in related tonal languages and that "its tonal system is now in an advanced state of decay."[7][8]
音节结构
[编辑]缅甸语的音节遵循 C(G)V((V)C) 的结构,即音节首必许包括一个辅音并可以有一个半元音介音;韵基可以包括一个单元音,一个单元音和音节尾辅音或者一个双元音和音节尾辅音。其中,可能的音节尾辅音有/ʔ/ 和 /ɰ̃/ 。每种音节结构的例词见下:
- CV မယ် /mɛ̀/ “密(对年轻女性的称呼)”
- CVC မက် /mɛʔ/ “渴望”
- CGV မြေ /mjè/ “土地”
- CGVC မျက် /mjɛʔ/ “眼睛”
- CVVC မောင် /màʊɰ̃/ “貌(对年轻男性的称呼)”
- CGVVC မြောင်း /mjáʊɰ̃/ “深谷”
缅甸语同时还有 /Cə/ 形式的次要音节结构,其特征为音节首无复辅音,无介音,无声调,无韵尾,并且不能作为词尾音节。例子包括:
- ခလုတ် /kʰə.loʊʔ/ “开关,按钮”
- ပလွေ /pə.lwè/ “笛”
- သရော် /θə.jɔ̀/ “嘲弄”
- ကလက် /kə.lɛʔ/ “轻浮”
- ထမင်းရည် /tʰə.mə.jè/ “米汤”
划分
[编辑]传统上把南亚语系划分为孟高棉语族和蒙达语族。Diffloth(1974)又把孟-高棉语族划分为东支、北支、南支。
Diffloth(2005)提出了一种新的划分方法,把北支(卡西—克木)单独划为一个语族。具体划分如下:
南亚语系 |
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Sidwell(2009)对南亚语系36种语言进行了词汇统计,认为传统划分证据不足,因此把十几个语支都和蒙达语族并列起来。
相關頁面
[编辑]參考文獻
[编辑]- Adams, K. L. (1989). Systems of numeral classification in the Mon-Khmer, Nicobarese and Aslian subfamilies of Austroasiatic. Canberra, A.C.T., Australia: Dept. of Linguistics, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University. ISBN 0858833735
- Alves, Mark J. (2014). Mon-Khmer. In Rochelle Lieber and Pavel Stekauer (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Derivational Morphology, 520-544. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
- Alves, Mark J. (2015). Morphological functions among Mon-Khmer languages: beyond the basics. In N. J. Enfield & Bernard Comrie (eds.), Languages of Mainland Southeast Asia: the state of the art. Berlin: de Gruyter Mouton, 531–557.
- Byomkes Chakrabarti, A Comparative Study of Santali and Bengali, 1994
- Filbeck, D. (1978). T'in: a historical study. Pacific linguistics, no. 49. Canberra: Dept. of Linguistics, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University. ISBN 0858831724
- Hemeling, K. (1907). Die Nanking Kuanhua. (German language)
- Peck, B. M., Comp. (1988). An Enumerative Bibliography of South Asian Language Dictionaries.
- Peiros, Ilia. 1998. Comparative Linguistics in Southeast Asia. Pacific Linguistics Series C, No. 142. Canberra: Australian National University.
- Shorto, Harry L. edited by Sidwell, Paul, Cooper, Doug and Bauer, Christian (2006). A Mon-Khmer comparative dictionary. Canberra: Australian National University. Pacific Linguistics. ISBN 0-85883-570-3
- Shorto, H. L. Bibliographies of Mon-Khmer and Tai Linguistics. London oriental bibliographies, v. 2. London: Oxford University Press, 1963.
- Sidwell, Paul (2005) "Proto-Katuic Phonology and the Sub-grouping of Mon-Khmer Languages". In Sidwell, ed., SEALSXV: papers from the 15th meeting of the Southeast Asian Linguistic Society.
- Zide, Norman H., and Milton E. Barker. (1966) Studies in Comparative Austroasiatic Linguistics, The Hague: Mouton (Indo-Iranian monographs, v. 5.).
外部連結
[编辑]- Mon-Khmer.com: Lectures by Paul Sidwell
- Ethnologue classification(页面存档备份,存于互联网档案馆)
- Mon-Khmer languages at SEAlang(页面存档备份,存于互联网档案馆)
- ^ Chang 2003,第63頁.
- ^ Watkins 2001.
- ^ Jenny & San San Hnin Tun 2016,第15頁.
- ^ Jones 1986,第135-136頁.
- ^ 5.0 5.1 5.2 5.3 Wheatley 1987.
- ^ Taylor 1920,第91–106頁.
- ^ Taylor 1920.
- ^ Benedict 1948,第184–191頁.